金融時(shí)報(bào):誰還在相信“美國優(yōu)先”？

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2022年02月04日

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誰還在相信“美國優(yōu)先”？

特朗普在競選時(shí)喊出的“美國優(yōu)先”口號(hào)為他贏得了不少選票，但現(xiàn)在，“美國優(yōu)先”政策正面臨著前所未有的質(zhì)疑。美國人還支持“美國優(yōu)先”嗎？特朗普的支持者中又有多少人仍對(duì)此深信不疑？

測試中可能遇到的詞匯和知識(shí)：

alliance [?'la??ns] 結(jié)盟，聯(lián)盟，聯(lián)姻

steadfast['stedfɑ?st] 堅(jiān)定的，不動(dòng)搖的

predecessor['pred?ses?r] 前輩，前任

retrenchment [r?'trent?m?nt] 減少，刪除

herald ['her?ld] 預(yù)報(bào)，宣布

How voters now see Donald Trump's America First agenda（719 words）

By Ivo Daalder

“I will always put America first,” Donald Trump told the UN General Assembly last month. The president assuredly has, at least in the sense of consistently advocating for his America First agenda as outlined on the campaign trail. The policies he proposed then were a jolt to the foreign policy establishment and to America's longstanding role in the world. Yet on trade, alliances, immigration and international agreements, Mr Trump again and again found support from his campaign audiences. The question now is whether that support is growing or shrinking.

A core contingent of Trump supporters remains steadfast behind the president, according to newly released polling by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs. Americans with a “very favourable” view of the president also endorse the individual priorities of his America First agenda. For example, eight out of 10 core Trump supporters consider immigration a “critical threat”. Six in 10 endorse withholding the US security guarantee to allies who fail to spend enough on defence, as the president has suggested.

Yet, support among all Americans is lower for America First policies this year than it was last year. Instead, a strong majority continues to favour the more internationalist policies pursued by Mr Trump's predecessors over the past many decades.

Take trade. The number of Americans who think international trade is good for the US economy (72 per cent), good for consumers like them (78 per cent) and good at creating jobs in the US (57 per cent) has jumped higher on each measure since last year.

While the president has insisted that past trade deals have hurt the US, its economy and workers, half of all Americans believe that trade deals between the US and other countries benefit both countries and another 7 per cent believe they mostly benefit the US.

On security alliances, too, the American public differs from the president. The America First agenda set out to update “obsolete” alliances, which Mr Trump explained had become more of burden than a benefit to the country. Yet, this year six in 10 Americans say that alliances with Europe and east Asia are either mutually beneficial or mostly benefit the US.

A full 69 per cent of Americans call Nato “essential” to US security. And, for the first time, majorities of Americans are willing to send US troops to defend South Korea if it is invaded by North Korea (62 per cent) or to the Baltic Nato allies if any are invaded by Russia (52 per cent).

Finally, on the issue of burden-sharing, a majority (59 per cent) says allies should be convinced to do their part through persuasion and diplomatic channels, rather than by withholding America's security guarantee.

When it comes to immigration, fewer Americans today (37 per cent) believe it poses a “critical threat” to the US than did last year (43 per cent). This decline could be read as a win for the president, as a result of the effectiveness of the administration's immigration policies and plans. Yet the trend has been generally moving down for nearly two decades (from 55 per cent in 1998). Moreover, 65 per cent of Americans support a path to citizenship with or without conditions for illegal immigrants now in the country — an increase from 58 per cent since last year.

Of course, these overall numbers hide particular partisan differences. Many more Republicans (61 per cent) view immigration as a critical threat than do independents (36 per cent) or Democrats (20 per cent), though in all cases the numbers are trending down. And some of the positive movement in the trade numbers can be attributed to increased support for trade among Republicans, possibly reflecting greater faith in the president's ability to negotiate better deals.

But the overall trend is clear. Far from abandoning the traditional, internationalist perspective of America's role in the world — one that has put the country at the forefront of building, maintaining and deepening international institutions for trade, security and co-operation since 1945 — Americans continue to embrace it. There is little sign of a desire for retrenchment from world affairs, nor of growing support for an America First agenda.

Mr Trump's election as president has heralded many discontinuities in world affairs, but a change in the fundamental belief that an active US role in world affairs serves America's interests is not one of them.

請(qǐng)根據(jù)你所讀到的文章內(nèi)容，完成以下自測題目：

1.What percentage of core Trump supporters still believe immigration poses a “critical threat” to the US ?

A.37 per cent.

B.43 per cent.

C.60 per cent.

D.80 per cent.

答案(1)

2.The author cites the number of Americans who think international trade is good for the US economy to prove ____.

A.the majority of Americans disagree with Trump on economic issue.

B.international trade plays a vital role in the U.S. economy.

C.support among all Americans is lower for America First policies.

D.Trump's trade policies will eventually hurt the U.S. economy.