金融時(shí)報(bào):小喬治的軟實(shí)力

小喬治的軟實(shí)力

一個(gè)小王子的誕生能影響國(guó)家的實(shí)力，這種故事發(fā)生在幾百年前，也發(fā)生在今天。哈佛大學(xué)教授約瑟夫·奈(Joseph Nye)指出，這絕非偶然。王室雖然早就退出政治舞臺(tái)，但仍扮演著傳播英國(guó)文化和團(tuán)結(jié)英聯(lián)邦國(guó)家的重要角色。美國(guó)人民喜迎小王子誕生的同時(shí)，英國(guó)王室在美國(guó)擁有超7成的認(rèn)可率。古老的君主制仍有助于塑造大英的軟實(shí)力。

測(cè)試中可能遇到的詞匯和知識(shí)：

Windsor['winz?] 溫莎，目前的英國(guó)王室，家長(zhǎng)即女王伊麗莎白二世。其實(shí)際姓氏為韋廷(Wettin)，因其來(lái)自德國(guó)。一戰(zhàn)時(shí)，英王喬治五世為表示與表兄弟德皇威廉二世堅(jiān)決作戰(zhàn)的態(tài)度，將姓氏更改為溫莎。

Tudor['tju:d?] 都鐸王室，1485至1603年間統(tǒng)治英格蘭的王朝，其業(yè)績(jī)包括確立了對(duì)威爾士和愛爾蘭的統(tǒng)治，以及與天主教決裂等。都鐸王朝被認(rèn)為是英國(guó)君主專制的黃金時(shí)期。

Commonwealth['k?m?nwelθ] n.英聯(lián)邦

innings['ini?z] n.局

trappings['træp??z] n.服飾，禮服

British Council 英國(guó)文化委員會(huì)

House of Lords 上議院

vestigial[v?'st?d???l] adj.殘余的

panacea[,pæn?'si?] n.靈丹妙藥

Joseph Nye 哈佛大學(xué)國(guó)際關(guān)系和政治學(xué)教授，“軟實(shí)力”“巧實(shí)力”概念的提出者

The infant Prince George is a source of real-world power (775 words)

By Joseph Nye

Can an infant affect the global power of a nation in the 21st century? He can if he is a Windsor born in Britain this week. Not perhaps the way a male Tudor heir would have affected Britain’s balance with Spain five centuries ago, but Prince George affects Britain’s soft power in the world. For better or worse, the monarchy still matters in global politics.

The British monarch, of course, is the head of the 54-nation Commonwealth, and even where she is no longer head of state, the royal brand still stirs some hearts and sells some products. And in the US, the land of revolting colonials where George III is still a villain in the schoolbooks and many pundits have (mistakenly) pronounced the end of the special relationship, people arose early to watch the royal wedding and now celebrate the birth of the new prince. Television anchors gush with enthusiasm. Even before this week’s event, a CBS/New York Times poll reported in 2011 that 71 per cent of Americans thought the royal family “a good thing,” and only 15 per cent were against it. This is remarkably similar to the monarchy’s 77 per cent approval rating at home.

We live in a celebrity era and the monarchy has managed to hold its own in competition with rock stars and athletes. In an information age, where power is not only a function of whose army wins but also whose story wins, the monarchy has provided a compelling narrative with more durability than the 15 minutes of fame enjoyed by celebrities who lack its institutional trappings.

Britain has recently been enjoying a good innings in the soft-power league. Not only have the BBC and the British Council kept their international reputations for credibility but the successful London Olympics and Paralympics provided a beneficial burst of public relations. In its 2012 rankings of countries’ soft power, Monocle Magazine argued that Britain had displaced the US in the top slot.

The British government is beginning to pay more attention. The 2010 Strategic Defence and Security Review and National Security Strategy stressed the value of soft power in response to the problems involving defence cuts, and William Hague, foreign secretary, has argued for the importance of soft power as a “vital component” of the UK’s international role. A House of Lords committee on soft power and the UK’s influence is holding hearings. Certainly, the monarchy should be one of the instruments they examine.

What are the costs and benefits of the monarchy as an instrument of soft power? Next year’s Sovereign Grant for the royal family will be about £36m. Critics complain that this does not fully account for security and travel costs but even if the estimate were doubled, it would be a mere pittance compared with other expenditures in the defence budget. Britain’s relatively few republicans complain that the social costs of anchoring a vestigial aristocratic class system is much more important, but this raises constitutional and political issues that go far beyond soft power.

Soft power – the ability to produce outcomes through attraction rather than coercion or payment – is not a panacea. But neither is hard power, as we discovered in Iraq. If one wishes to depose a regime or roll back an invasion, hard power is necessary. But if one’s objective is to foster democracy or human rights, soft power may be more effective. And in most cases, a smart power strategy depends upon the mutually reinforcing combination of hard and soft-power resources. The cultivation of soft-power resources of legitimacy and goodwill can create a favourable environment.

Promoting attractive images of one’s country is not new but the conditions for trying to create soft power have changed dramatically in recent decades. For one thing, nearly half the countries in the world are now democracies. In such circumstances, diplomacy aimed at public opinion can become as important to outcomes as the traditional classified diplomatic communications among leaders. Information creates power, and today a much larger part of the world’s population has access to that power. Technological advances have led to dramatic reduction in the cost of processing and transmitting information.

The result is an explosion of information, and that has produced a “paradox of plenty.” Plentiful information leads to scarcity of attention. One of the great ironies of this century is that the democratic remains of a once hierarchical monarchy are still a very cost-effective way of attracting attention for Britain today.

The writer is a professor at Harvard University and author of ‘Presidential Leadership and the Creation of the American Era’

請(qǐng)根據(jù)你所讀到的文章內(nèi)容，完成以下自測(cè)題目：

1.What's the purpose of the first paragraph?

A. To present a brief history of British monarchy.

B. To lament the decline of the British crown.

C. To depict Britain's international influence.

D. To reveal the "soft power" carried by the monarchy.

答案(1)

2.Which one is Professor Nye's point of view of UK-US relationship?

A. American textbooks still depict George III as a villain.

B. 71% of Americans approve of the royal family.

C. The US-UK special relationship has not ended.

D. The British monarchy has held its ground in a celebrity era.

答案(2)

3.What are the costs of monarchy?

A. £36m Sovereign Grant.

B. Security and travel costs paid by the government.

C. Social costs of maintaining a aristocratic class system.

D. All of above.

答案(3)

4.What is correct about "soft power"?

A. Soft power can achieve what hard power cannot achieve, like in Iraq.

B. Soft power can fight back an invasion, as well as foster human rights.

C. In the new era, information creates power that diplomacy might lose.

D. Monarchy can serve as a very cost-effective way of promoting soft power.

答案(4)

* * *

(1) 答案：D.To reveal the "soft power" carried by the monarchy.

解釋：一個(gè)小王子的誕生能影響一個(gè)國(guó)家在一個(gè)世紀(jì)的影響力，在都鐸王朝時(shí)是影響大國(guó)間“硬實(shí)力”的平衡，在今天的溫莎王朝，則是一種文化上的軟實(shí)力。誰(shuí)誰(shuí)誰(shuí)-薛莉稱英國(guó)王室更像是“國(guó)家形象的公關(guān)部門，而且是民營(yíng)的”。

(2) 答案：C.The US-UK special relationship has not ended.

解釋：AB是客觀事實(shí)，D不是說(shuō)英美關(guān)系。

(3) 答案：D.All of above.

解釋：ABC都是正確答案。

(4) 答案：D.Monarchy can serve as a very cost-effective way of promoting soft power.

解釋：A正確的說(shuō)法是硬實(shí)力和軟實(shí)力都不萬(wàn)能，伊拉克說(shuō)明了只靠硬實(shí)力不行。 B的正確說(shuō)法是，軟實(shí)力不能推翻政權(quán)或擊退侵略，但可以用來(lái)培育人權(quán)。C的正確說(shuō)法是，在信息時(shí)代，旨在影響公眾觀點(diǎn)的民間外交，與官方外交同樣重要。