肯尼迪于1962年關于古巴導彈危機發(fā)表電視講話
肯尼迪于1962年關于古巴導彈危機發(fā)表電視講話 英文版
Good evening, my fellow citizens:
This Government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet military buildup on the island of Cuba. Within the past week, unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The purpose of these bases can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere.
Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning at 9 A.M., I directed that our surveillance be stepped up. And having now confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence and our decision on a course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail.
The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of installations. Several of them include medium range ballistic missiles, capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical miles. Each of these missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D. C., the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean area.
Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate range ballistic missiles—capable of traveling more than twice as far—and thus capable of striking most of the major cities in the Western Hemisphere, ranging as far north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far south as Lima, Peru. In addition, jet bombers, capable of carrying nuclear weapons, are now being uncrated and assembled in Cuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared.
This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base—by the presence of these large, long-range, and clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction—constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas, in flagrant and deliberate defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this nation and hemisphere, the joint resolution of the 87th Congress, the Charter of the United Nations, and my own public warnings to the Soviets on September 4 and 13. This action also contradicts the repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, both publicly and privately delivered, that the arms buildup in Cuba would retain its original defensive character, and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire to station strategic missiles. on the territory of any other nation.
The size of this undertaking makes clear that it has been planned for some months. Yet, only last month, after I had made clear the distinction between any introduction of ground-to-ground missiles and the existence of defensive antiaircraft missiles, the Soviet Government publicly stated on September 11 that, and I quote, "the armaments and military equipment sent to Cuba are designed exclusively for defensive purposes," that there is, and I quote the Soviet Government, "there is no need for the Soviet Government to shift its weapons for a retaliatory blow to any other country, for instance Cuba," and that, and I quote their government, "the Soviet Union has so powerful rockets to carry these nuclear warheads that there is no need to search for sites for them beyond the boundaries of the Soviet Union."
That statement was false.
Only last Thursday, as evidence of this rapid offensive buildup was already in my hand, Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told me in my office that he was instructed to make it clear once again, as he said his government had already done, that Soviet assistance to Cuba, and I quote, "pursued solely the purpose of contributing to the defense capabilities of Cuba," that, and I quote him, "training by Soviet specialists of Cuban nationals in handling defensive armaments was by no means offensive, and if it were otherwise," Mr. Gromyko went on, "the Soviet Government would never become involved in rendering such assistance."
That statement also was false.
Neither the United States of America nor the world community of nations can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or small. We no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons are so destructive and ballistic missiles are so swift, that any substantially increased possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deployment may well be regarded as a definite threat to peace.
For many years, both the Soviet Union and the United States, recognizing this fact, have deployed strategic nuclear weapons with great care, never upsetting the precarious status quo which insured that these weapons would not be used in the absence of some vital challenge. Our own strategic missiles have never been transferred to the territory of any other nation under a cloak of secrecy and deception; and our history—unlike that of the Soviets since the end of World War II—demonstrates that we have no desire to dominate or conquer any other nation or impose our system upon its people. Nevertheless, American citizens have become adjusted to living daily on the bull's-eye of Soviet missiles located inside the U.S.S.R. or in submarines.
In that sense, missiles in Cuba add to an already clear and present danger—although it should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a potential nuclear threat. But this secret, swift, extraordinary buildup of Communist missiles—in an area well known to have a special and historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy—this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil—is a deliberately provocative and unjustified change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country, if our courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe.
The 1930's taught us a clear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to go unchecked and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are also true to our word. Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these missiles against this or any other country, and to secure their withdrawal or elimination from the Western Hemisphere.
Our policy has been one of patience and restraint, as befits a peaceful and powerful nation which leads a worldwide alliance. We have been determined not to be diverted from our central concerns by mere irritants and fanatics. But now further action is required, and it is under way; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will not prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth; but neither will we shrink from that risk at any time it must be faced.
Acting, therefore, in the defense of our own security and of the entire Western Hemisphere, and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution as endorsed by the Resolution of the Congress, I have directed that the following initial steps be taken immediately:
First: To halt this offensive buildup a strict quarantine on all offensive military equipment under shipment to Cuba is being initiated. All ships of any kind bound for Cuba from whatever nation or port will, if found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons, be turned back. This quarantine will be extended, if needed, to other types of cargo and carriers. We are not at this time, however, denying the necessities of life as the Soviets attempted to do in their Berlin blockade of 1948.
Second: I have directed the continued and increased close surveillance of Cuba and its military buildup. The foreign ministers of the OAS [Organization of American States], in their communiqué' of October 6, rejected secrecy on such matters in this hemisphere. Should these offensive military preparations continue, thus increasing the threat to the hemisphere, further action will be justified. I have directed the Armed Forces to prepare for any eventualities; and I trust that in the interest of both the Cuban people and the Soviet technicians at the sites, the hazards to all concerned of continuing this threat will be recognized.
Third: It shall be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.
Fourth: As a necessary military precaution, I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo, evacuated today the dependents of our personnel there, and ordered additional military units to be on a standby alert basis.
Fifth: We are calling tonight for an immediate meeting of the Organ[ization] of Consultation under the Organization of American States, to consider this threat to hemispheric security and to invoke articles 6 and 8 of the Rio Treaty in support of all necessary action. The United Nations Charter allows for regional security arrangements, and the nations of this hemisphere decided long ago against the military presence of outside powers. Our other allies around the world have also been alerted.
Sixth: Under the Charter of the United Nations, we are asking tonight that an emergency meeting of the Security Council be convoked without delay to take action against this latest Soviet threat to world peace. Our resolution will call for the prompt dismantling and withdrawal of all offensive weapons in Cuba, under the supervision of U.N. observers, before the quarantine can be lifted.
Seventh and finally: I call upon Chairman Khrushchev to halt and eliminate this clandestine, reckless, and provocative threat to world peace and to stable relations between our two nations. I call upon him further to abandon this course of world domination, and to join in an historic effort to end the perilous arms race and to transform the history of man. He has an opportunity now to move the world back from the abyss of destruction by returning to his government's own words that it had no need to station missiles outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba by refraining from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis, and then by participating in a search for peaceful and permanent solutions.
This nation is prepared to present its case against the Soviet threat to peace, and our own proposals for a peaceful world, at any time and in any forum—in the OAS, in the United Nations, or in any other meeting that could be useful—without limiting our freedom of action. We have in the past made strenuous efforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We have proposed the elimination of all arms and military bases in a fair and effective disarmament treaty. We are prepared to discuss new proposals for the removal of tensions on both sides, including the possibilities of a genuinely independent Cuba, free to determine its own destiny. We have no wish to war with the Soviet Union—for we are a peaceful people who desire to live in peace with all other peoples.
But it is difficult to settle or even discuss these problems in an atmosphere of intimidation. That is why this latest Soviet threat—or any other threat which is made either independently or in response to our actions this week— must and will be met with determination. Any hostile move anywhere in the world against the safety and freedom of peoples to whom we are committed, including in particular the brave people of West Berlin, will be met by whatever action is needed.
Finally, I want to say a few words to the captive people of Cuba, to whom this speech is being directly carried by special radio facilities. I speak to you as a friend, as one who knows of your deep attachment to your fatherland, as one who shares your aspirations for liberty and justice for all. And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your nationalist revolution was betrayed—and how your fatherland fell under foreign domination. Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets and agents of an international conspiracy which has turned Cuba against your friends and neighbors in the Americas, and turned it into the first Latin American country to become a target for nuclear war—the first Latin American country to have these weapons on its soil.
These new weapons are not in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and well-being. They can only undermine it. But this country has no wish to cause you to suffer or to impose any system upon you. We know that your lives and land are being used as pawns by those who deny your freedom. Many times in the past, the Cuban people have risen to throw out tyrants who destroyed their liberty. And I have no doubt that most Cubans today look forward to the time when they will be truly free—free from foreign domination, free to choose their own leaders, free to select their own system, free to own their own land, free to speak and write and worship without fear or degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed back to the society of free nations and to the associations of this hemisphere.
My fellow citizens, let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out. No one can foresee precisely what course it will take or what costs or casualties will be incurred. Many months of sacrifice and self-discipline lie ahead—months in which both our patience and our will will be tested, months in which many threats and denunciations will keep us aware of our dangers. But the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing.
The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are; but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission.
Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right; not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.
Thank you and good night.
肯尼迪于1962年關于古巴導彈危機發(fā)表電視講話 中文版
晚上好，我的同胞們：
本政府一直如承諾地，對古巴島上的蘇聯軍事建設保持著最密切的留意。在上周，有清晰的證據顯示了這樣的事實，在那個被囚禁的小島上，一系列進攻性導彈場地正處在建設中。這些基地除了提供針對西半球的核打擊能力，實在找不出存在的其他目的。
在上個星期二早上9點，我一收到第一份該性質的初步嚴峻情報，就指示把我們的監(jiān)視升級?，F在證據已獲證實，并完成了證據評估和我們對采取行動所做的決策。本政府覺得有責任向你們報告這場新危機最詳細的情況。
這些新導彈場地的特點明確表明是兩種不同類型的安裝。其中包括一些能夠攜帶射程超過1000海里的核彈頭的中程彈道導彈。簡單地講，每枚這樣的導彈都能夠對華盛頓特區(qū)、巴拿馬運河、卡納維拉爾角、墨西哥城，或美國東南部、中美洲、加勒比地區(qū)的任何其他城市進行打擊。
另外尚未完工的場地，看來是被用于射程超過上面所說導彈2倍的中程導彈，進而能夠打擊最北至加拿大哈得森灣，最南至秘魯利馬的西半球大多數主要城市。另外，能夠攜帶核武器的噴氣式轟炸機已運抵古巴開始組裝，配套的空軍基地也在建設中。
這些大型、遠程而且明顯具攻擊性的武器能在瞬間形成大規(guī)模殺傷力，它們的出現說明古巴已經急速蛻變?yōu)橐粋€戰(zhàn)略要地，這對所有美國人的和平和安全構成了明確的威脅。是對1947年里約協定，美國與西半球的傳統，87屆聯大聯合決議，聯合國憲章以及我在9月3日和13日對蘇聯所做警告進行公然和蓄意的挑釁。該行為也與蘇聯發(fā)言人在公開和私下場合反復透露的保證——在古巴的軍事建設仍然是防御性質，蘇聯不需要或沒有必要在任何其他國家領土上布置戰(zhàn)略導彈相矛盾。
這些工程的規(guī)模清晰的表明，對方已經計劃了數月。然而就是上個月，在我對引入的地地導彈和現有防空導彈之間做出了明確界定后，蘇聯政府在9月11日做了公開聲明，我來引用：“運往古巴的武器和軍事設施專門用于防御目的。”這里還有：“蘇聯政府不需要為了報復性還擊，把武器運到任何其他國家。”我再引用：“蘇聯有威力強大的火箭足以運送核彈頭，不需要在蘇聯國界外尋求基地。”
這個聲明是假的。
就在上個星期四，當我已經掌握了進攻性工事在快速興建的證據時，蘇聯外相葛羅米柯在我的辦公室告訴我，他獲得指示再向我澄清一遍。他說他的政府即蘇聯對古巴實行的援助，我這里引用：“僅僅是為了增加古巴的防御能力。”我再引用：“蘇聯專家是訓練古巴人掌握防御性武器，如果該培訓包含其他內容也決不具進攻性質。”他接著說：“蘇聯政府絕對不會提供這樣的援助。”
這個聲明又是假的。
美國和國際社會都無法容忍對任何國家，無論大小，進行蓄意的欺騙和進攻威脅。我們將要居住在一個炮火紛飛的真實世界，這代表了對一個國家安全的極大挑戰(zhàn)，構成了最大的威脅。核武器威力驚人，而彈道導彈的速度又如此之快，任何它們使用機會的實質性增加，或它們的部署發(fā)生任何突然的變化，都會被當做對和平構成明確的威脅。
多年來，美國和蘇聯都認識到了這個事實，小心翼翼地開發(fā)戰(zhàn)略核武器，決不擾亂這些武器的不穩(wěn)定現狀，保證它們不得在非緊要關頭使用。我國的核武器從來沒有在詭秘和欺騙的外衣下，被轉移到其他任何國家的領土上;我們的歷史也不像蘇聯自二戰(zhàn)結束以來的歷史，說明我們沒有欲望支配或征服其他任何國家或把我們的制度強加給其他國家的人民。然而，美國人民卻要適應每天在蘇聯導彈或潛艇的靶心下生活。
從這個意義上講，古巴的導彈已經明顯加劇了現實的威脅。盡管要注意的是拉美國家以前從來沒受到過潛在的核威脅，但蘇聯導彈這樣秘密、快速和不尋常的建立，而且在一個眾所周知對美國和西半球國家有特殊和歷史關系的地區(qū)。這違反了蘇聯的保證，是對美國和西半球政策的挑釁。這種突然秘密地把戰(zhàn)略武器首次部署在蘇聯國土以外的決策是蓄意挑釁，如果要我們的朋友或敵人再次相信我們的勇氣和承諾，那我國就不能接受對現狀進行目中無人的改變。
20世紀30年代的現實給我們上了清楚的一課，進攻性行為如果不加節(jié)制和未受到還擊，最終會滑向戰(zhàn)爭。美國反對戰(zhàn)爭，但我們也不食言。因此我們的目標是必須至死不渝地防止，針對美國或任何其他國家使用這些導彈，并確保其從西半球撤除或拆毀。
忍耐和克制一直是我們的政策之一，這讓一個領導世界聯盟的，和平而強大的國家受益。我們的關注中心也肯定不僅僅是刺激和狂躁。但現在要采取進一步的行動，已經在進行中了。這些行動還只是個開始。即使我們嘗不到勝利的果實，也不會過早地或沒有必要冒造成世界核大戰(zhàn)的風險，但無論何時，面對必須要冒的風險，我們也決不退縮。
因此要采取行動來保衛(wèi)我們和整個西半球的安全，根據憲法賦予我的權力并經國會決議批準，我指示立即采取以下初步步驟。
首先，暫停該進攻性建筑工事，開始對所有運往古巴的進攻性軍事設備進行嚴格盤查。無論從哪個國家或港口駛往古巴的任何船只，如果被發(fā)現貨物中包含進攻性武器都必須返回。如果需要，這樣的盤查將擴大到其他類型的貨物和運輸工具。不過此時我們不會拒絕生活必需品的輸入，就像蘇聯在1948年封鎖柏林時那樣。
第二，我指示對古巴和其軍事工事進行持續(xù)的更嚴密監(jiān)視。美洲國家組織的外長在10月6日的公告中，拒絕對事關整個西半球的事態(tài)進行保密。如果這些進攻性軍事準備繼續(xù)下去，對西半球的威脅就進而增大了，會有進一步的行動。我已經命令陸?？杖姕蕚鋺獙θ魏纬霈F的可能性，而我也相信從那些在基地的古巴人和蘇聯技師的利益考慮，這樣的威脅繼續(xù)下去會被認為對所有各方都構成危害。
第三，我國的政策是，從古巴發(fā)射的針對西半球任何國家的任何核彈，都將被看作是蘇聯對美國的攻擊，都會對蘇聯采取全面的報復。
第四，作為必要的軍事戒備，我加強了我們在關塔納摩的基地，今天撤離了那里人員的家屬，并下令更多軍事單位進駐，處于待命警戒狀態(tài)。
第五，為了考慮該威脅對西半球的安全和援引里約條約第6條和第8條來支持所有必要的行動，我要求立即召開美洲國家組織協商會議。聯合國憲章允許對地區(qū)安全進行安排，西半球國家很早以前就決定了反對來自該區(qū)域以外軍事力量的存在。我們在全世界的其他盟國也已接獲警報。
第六，根據聯合國憲章，我們要求立刻召開安理會緊急會議，對蘇聯最近對世界和平的威脅采取行動。我們的解決方案是在盤查升級之前，呼吁在聯合國觀察員的監(jiān)督下，立刻拆除并撤走所有在古巴的進攻性武器。
第七，我呼吁赫魯曉夫主席暫停和消除這種對世界和平進行的秘密、不顧后果和挑釁性的威脅，并穩(wěn)定我們兩國的關系。我呼吁他進一步摒棄這種支配世界的做法，加入到終結危險軍備競賽和改變人類歷史的歷史性努力中。現在他有機會把世界從毀滅的深淵中拉回來，做到這點只要他的政府能夠信守諾言——不需要在其領土外部署導彈，從古巴撤走這些武器來控制任何會擴大或加劇現有危機的活動，尋求一個和平和永久的解決方法。
美國準備在任何時候，無論是在美洲國家組織，聯合國或任何其他有幫助的會議上，在我們的自由不受限制的情況下，討論蘇聯對和平的威脅和我們對世界和平的提議。我們過去做出了艱苦的努力來限制核武器的擴散。我們打算用公平和有效的裁軍條約來消除所有的軍事和武裝基地。我們還準備討論消除雙方緊張的新提案，包括古巴真正獨立，自己決定其命運的可能性。我們不希望同蘇聯開戰(zhàn)，因為我們是一個想同所有其他民族和平相處的民族。
但在被脅迫的氣氛中很難解決，甚至討論這些問題。這就是為什么蘇聯最近的威脅或任何其他單獨或針對我們本周所采取活動的威脅必須要被果斷解決的原因。對世界上任何地方都得到美國承諾的人民的安全和自由采取敵對行動，尤其包括西柏林那些勇敢的人民，無論采取什么行動都必須被解決。
最后我想對被壓制的古巴人民，對通過特殊收聽器材直接聽到該演講的人說幾句話。我是以一個朋友，一個深知你們對祖國深深依戀的人，一個和你們分享對自由和正義的渴望的人在對你們說話。我和美國人民對你們的國民革命如何被出賣，你們的祖國如何向外國勢力臣服表示深切的遺憾。現在你們的領導人不再是心中有古巴的領導人。他們是被國際陰謀所操縱的傀儡和代理人，想把古巴變成核大戰(zhàn)的目標。古巴是第一個在自己的土地上擁有這些武器的拉美國家。
這些新式武器不代表你們的利益，它們對你們的和平和幸福起不到任何貢獻，只能傷害你們的和平和幸福。但美國不想讓你們遭受痛苦或把任何制度強加給你們。我們知道你們的生命和國家正被否定你們自由的人扣為抵押品。古巴人民過去多次起義推翻破壞他們自由的暴君。我深信大多數古巴人現在都期待著他們能真正自由的那天——不受外國支配，自由選擇自己的領導人，自由地選擇自己的制度，自由地擁有國家，自由發(fā)言和出版，不需要伴隨著恐懼或蔑視人格的崇拜。而那時將歡迎古巴重返自由國家的社會和西半球大家庭。
我的同胞們，不要懷疑我們付出的努力有多困難和危險。沒有人能真正預見會采取什么行動，或付出什么代價或遭到什么傷亡。今后的幾個月要準備犧牲和克制，這幾個月我們的耐心和意愿將接受考驗，這幾個月許多威脅和譴責能讓我們意識到危險。但最大的危險是什么都不做。
像所有的路一樣，我們現在選擇了一條充滿危險的路，但這是與我們國家的特點和勇氣以及美國對全世界的承諾最一致的一條路。自由的代價一直很高，但美國人總是愿意為此付出。有一條路我們絕對不會選擇，那就是投降或屈服。
我們的目標不是勝利，而是辯明權利。不僅西半球，我們希望全世界都不以自由為代價來換取和平，而是同時擁有自由與和平。上帝保佑，這個目標必將實現。
謝謝大家并祝大家晚安。
